What you see in this archive is a list of incidents, the ones that were reported and did not disappear. Most violence against minorities in India never shows up anywhere, this is just the part that does. Even then, it does not really show what is going on. These incidents are only the visible points of something that runs continuously underneath. Dalit students are still being made to sit separately or do cleaning work and then made fun of for wanting to learn because they have "reservation". Families in the biggest cities are denied housing, Muslim and dalit neighbourhoods somehow being less developed than the hindu ones. These are not one-off events but part of everyday life.
There is a liberal way of explaining this away by saying it is limited to the "cow belt" or to uneducated men in a few northern states. That is not accurate. Hindutva fascism is a mass movement. It takes place by homogenisation of fragmented hindu identities into one singular (often vaishnavite) national identity. This is why hindus from Bihar, Odisha, UP, Himachal which grew up eating meat, now suddenly feel as if meat was never a part of hinduism. This "syndicated hinduism" is NOT A RELIGIOUS MOVEMENT. It is a carefully constructed political movement and it must be fought accordingly. Organisations like the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) are deeply embedded in Indian society, with networks that extend from small towns to major metropolitan centres and into the diaspora. Through daily shakhas, training camps, schools, and affiliated institutions, they systematically shape social and political attitudes. These spaces do not just mobilise people during moments of crisis; they normalise a particular idea of the nation and of belonging, one that is exclusionary by design. Both men and women are incorporated into this structure, trained to see themselves as participants in a larger civilisational mission.
Caste discrimination is very prevelant across southern states as well, in temples, housing, schools, and workplaces. Tamil brahmins for example are the biggest leeches to Indian society. It is sustained by sections of the urban, educated middle and upper classes, including upper-caste professionals, business owners, and diaspora networks, who contribute funding, legitimacy, and institutional support. Studies of voting patterns and political financing have repeatedly shown strong backing for Hindu nationalist politics among higher-income and higher-education groups, denouncing the idea that this is only a product of marginal or “backward” sections of society.
It is also not just about men. Godi media which currentely is one of the foundation pillars of hindutva, who dehumanise activists, calls protesting students as terrorists, calls muslims as jihadis IS ALL WOMEN. But apart from that a lot of how caste and religious boundaries are maintained happens inside homes and communities, in marriage, food, social networks, and everyday behavior is overlooked by them. Work by Sikata Banerjee shows how Hindu nationalist politics has actively mobilised women not just as supporters but as participants who shape family and community life in line with its ideas, especially around respectability, motherhood, and the protection of community boundaries. Studies of affiliated organisations and grassroots networks also point to women’s roles in circulating narratives, organising locally, and normalising exclusion in everyday settings. So there is a need to analyse the issue materially.
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